Speech Act Theory
by Joanna Jaworowska
A speech act is a minimal functional unit in human
communication. Just as a word (refusal) is the smallest free form
found in language and a morpheme is the smallest unit of language that
carries information about meaning (-al in refuse-al makes it a noun),
the basic unit of communication is a speech act (the speech act of
refusal).
According to Austin's theory
(1962), what we say has three kinds of meaning:
1. propositional meaning - the literal meaning of what
is said
It's hot in here.
2. illocutionary meaning - the social function of what
is said
'It's hot in here' could be:
- an indirect request for someone to open the window
- an indirect refusal to close the window because someone is cold
- a complaint implying that someone should know better than to keep
the windows closed (expressed emphatically)
3. perlocutionary meaning - the effect of what is said
'It's hot in here' could
result in someone opening the windows
Based on Austin's (1962), and
Searle's (1969) theory, Cohen ( 1996) identifies five categories of speech acts
based on the functions assigned to them.
Representatives
|
Directives
|
Expressives
|
Comissives
|
Declaratives
|
assertions
|
suggestions
|
apologies
|
promises
|
decrees
|
claims
|
requests
|
complaint
|
threats
|
declarations
|
reports
|
commands
|
thanks
|
offers
|
Speech act theory attempts to explain how speakers use language to
accomplish intended actions and how hearers infer intended meaning form what is
said. Although speech act studies are
now considered a sub-discipline of cross-cultural pragmatics, they actually
take their origin in the philosophy of language.
It was for too long the
assumption of philosophers that the business of a ‘statement’ can only be to
‘describe’ some state of affairs, or to ‘state some fact’, which it must do
either truly or falsely. (…) But now in recent years, many things, which would once
have been accepted without question as ‘statements’ by both philosophers and
grammarians have been scrutinized with new care. (…) It has come to be commonly
held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at
all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straight forward information
about the facts (…). (Austin, 1962, p. 1)
Philosophers like Austin (1962), Grice (1957), and Searle (1965, 1969,
1975) offered basic insight into this new theory of linguistic communication based
on the assumption that “(…) the minimal units of human communication are not
linguistic expressions, but rather the performance of certain kinds of acts,
such as making statements, asking questions, giving directions, apologizing,
thanking, and so on” (Blum-Kulka, House, & Kasper, 1989, p.2). Austin
(1962) defines the performance of uttering words with a consequential purpose
as “the performance of a locutionary act, and the study of utterances thus far
and in these respects the study of locutions, or of the full units of speech”
(p. 69). These units of speech are not tokens of the symbol or word or sentence
but rather units of linguistic communication and it is “(…) the production of
the token in the performance of the speech act that constitutes the basic unit
of linguistic communication” (Searle, 1965, p.136). According to Austin’s
theory, these functional units of communication have prepositional or
locutionary meaning (the literal meaning of the utterance), illocutionary
meaning (the social function of the utterance), and perlocutionary force (the
effect produced by the utterance in a given context) (Cohen, 1996, p. 384).
Speech acts have been claimed by some to operate by universal pragmatic
principles (Austin, (1962), Searle (1969, 1975), Brown & Levinson (1978)).
Others have shown them to vary in conceptualization and verbalization across
cultures and languages (Wong, 1994; Wierzbicka, 1985). Although this debate has
generated over three decades of research, only the last 15 years marked a shift
from an intuitively based approach to an empirically based one, which “has
focused on the perception and production of speech acts by learners of a second
or foreign language (in the most cases, English as a second or foreign
language, i.e., ESL and EFL) at varying stages of language proficiency and in
different social interactions” (Cohen, 1996, p. 385). Blum Kulka et. al.,
(1989) argue that there is a strong need to complement theoretical studies of
speech acts with empirical studies, based on speech acts produced by native
speakers of individual languages in strictly defined contexts.
The illocutionary choices embraced by individual languages reflect what
Gumperz (1982) calls “cultural logic” (pp. 182-185). Consider the following
passage:
The fact that two speakers
whose sentences are quite grammatical can differ radically in their
interpretation of each other’s verbal strategies indicates that conversational
management does rest on linguistic knowledge. But to find out what that
knowledge is we must abandon the existing views of communication which draw a
basic distinction between cultural or social knowledge on the one hand and
linguistic signaling processes on the other. (pp. 185-186)
Differences in “cultural logic” embodied in individual languages involve
the implementation of various linguistic mechanisms. As numerous studies have
shown, these mechanisms are rather culture-specific and may cause breakdowns in
inter-ethnic communication. Such communication breakdowns are largely due to a
language transfer at the sociocultural level where cultural differences play a
part in selecting among the potential strategies for realizing a given speech
act. Hence the need to make the instruction of speech acts an instrumental
component of every ESL/ EFL curriculum.
When second language learners engage in conversations with native speakers,
difficulties may arise due to their lack of mastery of the conversational norms
involved in the production of speech acts. Such conversational difficulties may
in turn cause breakdowns in interethnic communication (Gumperz, 1990). When the
nonnative speakers violate speech act realization patterns typically used by
native speakers of a target language, they often suffer the perennial risk of
inadvertently violating conversational (and politeness) norms thereby
forfeiting their claims to being treated by their interactants as social equals
(Kasper, 1990, p. 193).
Communication difficulties result when conversationalists do not share the
same knowledge of the subtle rules governing conversation. Scarcella (1990)
ascribes high frequency of such difficulties to the fact that “nonnative
speakers, when conversing, often transfer the conversational rules of their
first language into the second” (p. 338). Scarcella provides the following
example. (Bracketing indicates interruptions.)
1) speaker A: Mary’s invited
us to lunch. Do you wanna go?
2) speaker B: Sure. [I’m not busy right now. [Why not?
3)speaker A:[Good [I’ll
come by in about thirty minutes
4) speaker B: Think we oughta
bring [anything?
5) speaker A: [No, but I’ll bring
some wine anyway.
(1990, p. 338)
In this exchange, the native speaker B inaccurately concluded that the
nonnative speaker A is rude since like many Americans, he regards interruptions
as impolite.
Rather than associate rudeness with A’s linguistic behavior, however, B
associates rudeness with A herself. B’s reasoning might be as follows: A
interrupts; interruptions are rude; therefore, A is rude. Such reasoning is
unfortunate for A, who comes from Iran where interruptions may be associated
with friendliness, indicating the conversationalist’s active involvement in the
interaction. (Scarcella, 1990, p.338)
Learners who repeatedly experience conversational difficulties tend to cut
themselves from speakers of the target community, not only withdrawing from
them socially, but psychologically as well (Scarcella, 1990). “’Psychological
distance’ or a ‘high filter’ might be related to a number of factors, including
culture shock and cultural stress” (Scarcella, 1990, p. 343) All these factors
ignite a cycle that eventually hinders second language acquisition.
1. First, the learners experience conversational difficulties.
2. Next, they become “clannish”, clinging to their own group.
3. This limits their interaction with members of the target culture and
increases solidarity with their own cultural group.
4. That, in turn, creates social distance between themselves and the target
group.
5. The end result is that the second language acquisition is hindered since
they don’t receive the input necessary for their language development. (Scarcella, 1990, p. 342)
Cohen (1996) claims that the fact that speech acts reflect somewhat
routinized language behavior helps learning in the sense that much of what is
said is predictable. For example, Wolfson & Manes, (1980) have found that
adjectives nice or good (e.g., "That's a nice shirt you're
wearing" or "it was a good talk you gave") are used almost half
the time when complimenting in English and beautiful, pretty, and great
make up another 15 percent.
Yet despite the routinized nature of speech acts, there are still various
strategies to choose form - depending on the sociocultural context - and often
a variety of possible language forms for realizing these strategies, especially
in the case of speech acts with four or more possible semantic formulas such as
apologies and complaints. Target language learners may tend to respond the way
they would in their native language and culture and find that their utterances
are not at all appropriate for the target language and culture situation.
(Cohen, 1996, p. 408)
At present, there is an increasing number of studies dealing with teaching
speech act behavior in an ESL/ EFL classroom. Olshtein and Cohen (1990), for
instance, conducted a study of apologies made by EFL learners in Israel who
were taught a set of lessons on the strategies used by native English speakers
to apologize. They found that situational features can indeed be taught in the
foreign language classroom. Whereas before these apology lessons, the nonnative
speakers' apologies differed from the native English speakers', after
instruction, learners selected strategies, which were more native-like.
Scarcella (1990) provides second language instructors with a number of
guidelines intended to reduce negative consequences of communication
difficulties and increase the learners’ conversational competence through
improving their motivation:
1. Stress the advantages of conversing like a native speaker.
2. Stress that it is not necessary to converse perfectly to communicate in the
second language.
3. Impress upon learners that they should not be overly concerned with
communication difficulties.
4. Help students accept communication difficulties as normal.
5. Provide students with information about communication difficulties.
6. Do not expect students to develop the conversational skills needed to
overcome all communication difficulties.
7. Provide communicative feedback regarding student success in conveying
meaning and accomplishing communicative objectives.
8. Teach students strategies to help them overcome communication difficulties
in the real world. (1990, pp.
345-346)
Takahashi and Beebe (1987)
investigated written refusals by native speakers of English, native speakers of
Japanese, Japanese ESL students in the United States, and Japanese EFL students
in Japan and found that there was a strong native language influence in the EFL
context and negative transfer of negative speech act behavior occurring in the
more advanced levels of ESL. The researchers claims that the advanced students
had greater facility at speaking English which allowed them to express complex
notions in Japanese like 'being deeply honored' to receive an invitation.
In another study, Robinson
(1991) asked twelve native Japanese-speaking women to respond to a written
discourse completion task calling for refusals of requests and invitations in
English. He found that there was a sociocultural problem in the respondents’
refusals since Japanese women are brought up to say yes, or at least not to say
no and thus the task of refusing was a difficult concept for them.
Yet another refusal study,
undertaken by Tickle (1991), looked at pragmatic transfer in ESL refusals made
by Japanese speakers in a business setting. Thirty-one Japanese men who all had
at least five years of business experience (including a year in the United
States) were asked to complete a discourse completion task (DCT) where
hypothetical situations varied by turf (customer’s vs. the businessperson’s),
relationship (positive, negative), status (higher or lower), and function
(refusal to an invitation vs. refusal to a request). The results showed that
refusals on a customer’s turf were more direct than those on the
businessperson’s turf. They were also more direct when no prior relationship
existed between the interlocutors. In refusals to invitation (e.g., to go
drinking), lower-status interlocutors expressed more regret toward the
higher-status one. In refusals to request (e.g., of co-workers), more negative
willingness/ability (e.g., “I can’t”) and empathy occurred. Results of this
particular study provided material for cross-cultural programs training
American businesspeople to deal more effectively with Japanese clients.
A speech event is an
identifiable type of discourse used in a particular speech situation. The
speech event of refusing in the workplace can thus be described as the
discourse associated with the entire interaction triggered by the speech act of
refusal and placed in the work setting.
S.P.E.A.K.I.N.G. Mnemonic
of the Speech Event
"Refusals in the Workplace"
of the Speech Event
"Refusals in the Workplace"
(Adapted from Meechan & Rees-Miller, 2001)
Component
|
Explanation
|
Sample Analysis
|
Setting or locale à
Scene or situation à
|
Scientific information about where it occurred
(place, time) |
Los Angeles, 5 pm on May 21, 2004
|
Generic information about the social occasion
|
Business
meeting
|
|
Participants
|
Who was there
(addressor/ addressee, performer/audience, questioner/answerer) |
Addressor
– Mr. Robertson, the manager
Addressee – Doris, employee |
Ends Outcomes à
Goals à
|
Purpose of the event
(exchange of goods, etc…) |
Refusal
|
Purpose of the participants
(impart knowledge, minimize price) |
Addressor
– to request from the employee
Addressee – to refuse the request |
|
Act sequences
|
Content and forms particular to its use
|
Content:
refusal to a request that the employee stays in late to finish an important
proposal
|
Key
|
.
Tone or mood . |
|
Instrumentalities
|
Type of discourse or channel
(spoken, written, recitation, etc.) |
Spoken
|
Types of speech
(dialect, style) |
Formal
standard business English
|
|
Norms Interaction à
Interpretation
à
|
Conventions
of the interaction
|
After
addressing the employee, the manager makes a request, the employee says she
would love to help, refuses politely and offers to come in early the next day
|
Normal
interpretation
|
Employee
recognizes that the manager’s is a little upset while the manager recognizes
that the employee is making an attempt to offer an alternative solution to
the problem
|
|
Genres
|
Category of event
(poem, story, conversation) |
Conversation
|
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things with words. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Blum-Kulka, S., House, J., & Kasper, G. (1989). Cross-cultural
pragmatics: Requests and apologies. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex.
Brown, P., & Levinson, S. (1978). Universals in language usage:
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Strategies in social interactions (pp. 56-289). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Cohen, A. (1996) Speech Acts. In S.L. McKay, & N.H. Hornberger (Eds.), Sociolinguistics and language teaching (pp. 383 – 420). Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Grice, H.P. (1975). Logic and conversation. In A. Jaworski, & N.
Coupland (Eds.), The discourse reader (pp. 76-87). New York: Routledge.
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strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Bedford/St. Martin’s.
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research. In G. Kasper (Ed.), Pragmatics of Japanese as native and target
language (pp. 29-84). (Technical Report; Vol 3). Honolulu: Second Language
Teaching and Curriculum Center, University of Hawaii.
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& S. D. Krashen (Eds.), Developing communicative competence in a second
language: Series on issues in second language research. Boston: Heinle
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and social context (pp.136–154). Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books.
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essay in the philosophy of language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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Speech Acts (pp. 59–82). New York.
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Applied Linguistics – Michigan, 6(2), 84–108.
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speech acts: Polish vs. English, Journal
of Pragmatics, 9, 145–178.
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